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“Man is by nature a political animal,” says Aristotle. Being political may not be as derogatory as perceived. It is an art of making decision. What does it mean to be political? It is the central inquiry we will explore together in this course.
This book is a classical works in the discipline of political science. Chapter 1-5 discusses the different political types of states and the correct way to hold rule respectively. Chapter 6-11 discusses the ways in which a new ruler should act to hold rule. Chapter 12-14 discusses the importance of arms to the states. Chapter 15-23 expands on morality of the princes, widely known and repudiated as “half beast and half men”, as well as how to gain renown and consolidate rule over the state. The last three chapters presents the aim of the book- to emancipate Italy from servitude and poverty and to make Italy wealthy and strong.
《君主论》是意大利的政治思想家马基雅维里的代表作，是一篇关于如何获得权力、建立国家并维持国家的短篇论文，是马基雅维利根据历史教训和自己在佛罗伦萨担任外交大臣的经历总结而成。本书较为完整地阐述了马基亚维利的君主专制理论和君王权术论，所陈的“治国之策”或“治术”，又可分为如何“富国强兵”与如何“领导统御”两大面向。它对意大利长期战争分裂的原因进行了总结，并提出了实现意大利的统一的方案——建立强有力的中央集权国家。
《當代正義論辯》是作者陳宜中發表在學術刊物上的13篇關於正義論辯的論文的合集。第壹部分正義與自由主義主要關註了社會主義與自由主義兩大傳統交互影響下的正義論辯，涉及社會正義與市場正義、社會權以及羅爾斯的論說。第二部分公民自由與正義從公民不服從、仇恨言論、色情管制、性交易除罰化和拒戰權利等角度探討公民自由及權利的正義論辯。第三部分戰爭與正義聚焦於戰爭的正義論辯，涉及國際容忍、政體改造、人道幹預、原爆、利比亞戰爭等議題。
本书收录了马克斯•韦伯1917-1919年间在慕尼黑大学针对青年学生发表的两篇演讲《以学术为业》《以政治为业》。在《以学术为业》中，韦伯在肯定了科学的贡献的同时指出科学无法回答存在价值，提出科学和科学工作者要保持价值中立。在《以政治为业》中，韦伯划出了政治家和官吏的区别，指出政治家应当具有激情、责任感及恰如其分的判断力，同时考察了政治与道德的关系，提出在政治领域要将信念伦理和责任伦理相结合的原则。纵观全书，韦伯认为学术与政治应当互相分离。
This book is written for a wide audience group, including researchers and students in foreign policy and international relations, regular readers of foreign policy articles, and general readers who are not especially interested in foreign affairs. Known as the Cuban missile crisis, the Soviet Union place missiles in Cuba in 1962, which becomes a classical case in the history of international relations. This books builds up the theoretical models to explain international affairs and foreign policies based on this historical case. Allison and Zelikow argue that the decision maker of national policy is a conglomerate of large organizations and political actors rather than an individual.
本书利用最新的学术研究成果和最新解密的美国与苏联档案，分析和解释了美国与苏联在古巴导弹危机中的行为。作者提出了三种决策模式：第一种把国家视为一个统一的行为体；第二种把政府视为是一个由各种组织松散组合在一起的集合体，这些组织各自相对独立；第三种则认为政府体系构成了一个有各种行为体在其上进行各种博弈的复杂舞台。作者通过这三种决策模式来分析古巴导弹危机，也分析了人们在思考此类事件时所使用的潜在假设对于分析的影响。
This work is on foreign policy and the art of diplomacy. Moving from a sweeping overview of history to blow-by-blow accounts of his negotiations with world leaders, Henry Kissinger describes how the art of diplomacy has created the world in which we live, and how America’s approach to foreign affairs has always differed vastly from that of other nations. The content of the book is basically organized in chronological order, spanning nearly 400 years, from the early 17th century to the end of the 20th century. This book adopts the method of the traditional school, abandoning the method of quantitative analysis and describing political history.
本书内容涵盖国际关系史、美国外交史、政治学理论和当今世界格局和政治现实的分析，糅合了理论演绎和个人实践经验总结。全书内容的组织基本按时间顺序展开，时间跨度近400年，从17世纪初到20世纪末。基辛格在描述和分析历史的过程中，不断地把历史经验与当今现实相对照，表现出了强烈的现实取向。此外，基辛格还表现出了对欧洲外交传统的认同。本书采用的是传统学派的方法，摒弃计量分析的方法，而进行政治历史的描述，追求的事物本质的把握。
本书是进攻性现实主义的代表作，以进攻性现实主义检验历史并验证这一理论。米尔斯海默认为，国际政治依然是大国政治，而大国主要由其相对军事实力来衡量；大国意志在陆地上的体现是地区霸权，但由于水域的阻隔，全球霸权不可能实现；然而大国实现全球霸权的企图从不曾停止，因而处于无休止的安全竞争状态，所谓“悲剧”正是指大国必然进犯他国；美国作为唯一实现地区霸权的国家，为防止出现任何其他地区霸权，不应当接触而应当及早遏制中国的崛起。
Mearsheimer develops his own theory of international politics in this book, and he names it as “offensive realism”. This book is organized around six questions dealing with power. First, why do great powers want power? Second, how much power do states want? Third, what is power? How is that pivotal concept defined and measured? Fourth, what strategies do states pursue to gain power, or to maintain it when another great power threatens to upset the balance of power? Fifth, what are the causes of war? Sixth, when do threatened great powers balance against a dangerous adversary and when do they attempt to pass the buck to another threatened state?
This book is a compilation of Lee Kuan Yew’s views on foreign policy matters. Lee discusses the future of China, the United States, U.S.-China Relations, India, Islamic Extremism, national economic growth, geopolitics and globalization, democracy, etc. Contents of the book are pulled from interviews with Lee and from his speeches and writings. Except for the concluding chapter, this book employs a question and answer format, starting each chapter with a list of specific questions and then providing Lee’s answers. These questions are very sharp, and Lee’s answers show his great insights on the world situation as well as the success of Singapore.
李光耀被誉为新加坡的国父。他在新加坡执政50余年。本书是对李光耀在外交政策事物的观点的编辑。李光耀讨论了中国、美国、中美关系、印度、伊斯兰极端主义、国家经济增长、地缘政治与全球化、民主的未来。本书的内容取自李光耀的访谈、演讲和写作。除了总结的一章，本书采用了提问与回答的模式，每章以一列具体问题开始，然后提供李光耀的回答。这些问题十分尖锐，李光耀的回答显示了他关于世界局势和新加坡的成功的真知灼见。
This book describes these rules and regulations enacted during Obama's first term, and the regulatory philosophy that is to keep regulations simple and clear, to save lives and money, and to improve life quality of the citizens. Rather than a smaller government, “simpler” here tends to direct to a cheaper, smarter, and better government. This book provides insight not only for governments, but also for private sectors such as schools, hospitals, and businesses both large and small. This book is thus good for not only governmental officials, but also for general readers who are interested in governmental administration.
本书描述了奥巴马第一任期内制定的这些规章制度，以及保持法规简单明了、拯救生命和金钱、提高公民生活质量的监管理念。主要阐述了如何简化政府，去除不必要的繁文缛节，提高政府工作效率，建设有利于国家、方便民生的方法。这里的“更简单”不是指规模较小的政府，而是指成本更低、更聪明、更好的政府。本书不仅为政府，也为学校、医院和大大小小的企业等私营部门提供了见解。因此，本书不仅适合政府官员，也适合对政府管理感兴趣的普通读者。
In this book, Acemoglu and Robinson argue that poor countries are poor not because of their geographies or cultures or because their leaders do not know which policies will enrich their citizens but because they have been ruled by a narrow elite that have organized society for their own benefit at the expense of the vast mass of people, and that rich countries are rich because their citizens overthrew the elites who controlled power and created a society where political rights were much more broadly distributed, where the government was accountable and responsive to citizens, and where the great mass of people could take advantage of economic opportunities.
在本书中，作者提出，是一个国家所采取的政治制度和经济制度决定了这个国家的经济绩效进而决定了与其他国家在经济绩效上的差异，作者认为包容性政治制度和包容性经济制度是实现长期经济增长的关键，汲取性政治制度和汲取性经济制度虽然能够在一定时期内实现经济增长，但是不能够持续。关于国家建立包容性制度和汲取性制度的原因，作者对微小差别、制度漂移、偶然事件、政治失势者、创造性破坏、良性循环、恶性循环、寡头铁律等概念进行了分析。
This book is aimed at understanding the concept of governance in its most complex manifestation and identifying its theoretical roots in the neo-liberal mode of thinking. The book is divided into two parts. Part I deals with the conceptual articulation of the phenomenon of governance, concentrating on the roots of governance as a conceptual tool of the international donor agencies, especially the World Bank. Part II is devoted to a selective number of articles seeking to grasp the phenomenon empirically, based largely on Indian experience. This book seeks to provide a critical analysis of the governance paradigm.
This book collates twenty articles to represent the greatest hits of globalization in the last thirty years, covering the three major dimensions of globalization-economics, politics, and culture. In addition to carefully selecting and editing twenty of the most influential pieces on globalization out of a vast repertoire of writing, Steger provides an original and insightful introduction that spotlights the gist of these gems while also showing how they build on one another thematically. This volume shows how globalization has evolved and how it serves as a backdrop to the current global economic crisis.
The central claim of the book is that it is appropriate for social planners, policy makers, and other choice architects to modify decision-making situations in ways that nudge people toward better choices. Part 1 contains the core of the argument, in which the key concepts such as libertarian paternalism, nudge, choice architecture, are developed. Part 2-4 each deals with a sort of nudge, money, health, and freedom, providing examples of how choice architects can nudge individuals to take better decisions, such as eating more healthily, saving more for their retirement, investing better, being more environmentally friendly, etc. Part 5 considers some of the possible objections to the idea of nudge.
本书提出助推是一种全新且有效的引导式管理模式。第1-5章分析了如何用助推来克服偏见与谬误。第6-9章探索如何更好地省钱、投资和借贷，即家庭理财方法。第10-12章讨论如何改善人们的健康状况。第13-15章分析在许多没有多少自由的领域，如教育、医疗、婚姻中如何通过制度改进创造更多的自由。第16-18章介绍了一些小的助推，提出会有越来越多的人认同助推，但要警惕恶意的助推行为和助推者，并建议把助推作为自由放任和国家干预以外的第三条道路。
本书以简单的经济学理论模型为分析工具，运用丰富的历史和现实案例，深入考察了公共部门的运行机理及其对经济生活带来的影响。取材包括工业革命之前欧洲城市的发展、苏联解体后俄罗斯的腐败现象、东欧的私有化、美国地方政府的公共服务外包，等等。第一部分关注政治权利钳制经济发展的负面后果，第二部分提出了腐败模型并考察了两个相互关联的有关社会主义的问题，第三部分讨论运用政府控制的财产追求政治目标，第四部分明确讨论东欧和俄罗斯问题。
In this work, Carl Schmitt argues that liberalism’s basis in individual rights cannot provide a reasonable justification for sacrificing oneself for the state. According to Schmitt, the willingness to die for a substantive way of life contradicts both the desire for self-preservation assumed by modern theories of natural rights and the liberal ideal of neutralizing deadly conflict. This expanded edition also includes a translation of Schmitt’s 1929 lecture “The Age of Neutralizations and Depoliticizations,” which the author himself added to the 1932 edition of the book, and the analysis by Leo Strauss.
本书收入卡尔·施米特经典作品三种：《政治的概念》《中立化与非政治化的时代》《游击队理论——“政治的概念”附识》。《政治的概念》提出了极具争议性的观点——政治就是国家之间的生存冲突，就是对敌友关系的划分。《中立化与非政治化的时代》是《政治的概念》初版时的附录。《游击队理论——“政治的概念”附识》，从19世纪源于西班牙的游击战讲到列宁尤其是毛泽东对游击战理论和实践的天才发展，尖锐地提出现代国际政治中的合法性与正当性问题。
A work of social theory in the tradition of Foucault and Marx that leaps from the ascendance of right-wing economics to the hidden meanings behind Sherlock Homes and Batman, this book traces the peculiar and unexpected ways we relate to bureaucracy today, and reveals how it shapes our lives. One chief idea in the book is that innovation and creativity is unfeasible in bureaucratic capitalism and bureaucratic corporations, which in contrast have been more successful in developing bureaucratic technologies to ensure labour and social control. The consequences are an explosion of red tape, together with increasing working hours, delocalisation and declining job security.
This book shows why it is important for democratic theory to rethink the question of democracy's beginnings. Is there a founding unique to democracies? Can a democracy be democratically established? What are the implications of expanding democratic politics in light of the question of whether and how to address democracy's beginnings? Kalyvas addresses these questions and scrutinizes the possibility of democratic beginnings in terms of the category of the extraordinary, as he reconstructs it from the writings of Max Weber, Carl Schmitt, and Hannah Arendt and their views on the creation of new political, symbolic, and constitutional orders.
